EN · Policy & Advocacy

Change the rules that make homelessness

EN is the action tank: research, frontline evidence, and direct advocacy fused into one engine. What exists today is smaller than a program and further along than a plan. Roughly fifty bill outlines in draft, of which one is published in full as complete legislative text with a model state act and an evidence memo beside it, plus five further proposals drafted and summarized below. A cost-of-inaction case, and the legal argument behind them. The staffed lobbying arm is still ahead, and we say so plainly. What follows is an honest read of where federal housing law just moved, and where it left the work undone.

The Enfiaré diamond with the EN quadrant lit, above the line: make the law make room.

Why this lever

The supply side is finally moving. The bottom rung is not.

On a single night in 2025, federal counts found roughly 745,652 people without a home. The total fell for the first time since 2016. In the same count, the chronic figure reached a record high, and that is where the human cost and the public cost concentrate. Policy is the only lever that reaches all of it at once.

745,652↓ 3.3%

Counted on a single night in 2025. The first year-over-year decrease since 2016.

2025 HUD AHAR

155,750record high

People experiencing chronic homelessness. The high-utilizer population where the math is airtight.

2025 HUD AHAR

2

Of our six drafted bill packages now carried in substance by the ROAD Act Congress just passed.

Enfiaré bill library

4

That remain, and they are the ones that reach the person already sleeping outside.

Enfiaré bill library

The 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act

A generational housing bill, read honestly

The ROAD Act, Renewing Opportunity in the American Dream, passed both chambers of Congress by wide bipartisan margins, the Senate 85 to 5 and the House 358 to 32, and became law on July 11, 2026 as Public Law 119-101, taking effect without the President’s signature under the Constitution’s ten-day rule. A deeply divided Congress agreed that housing is a national emergency worth acting on. That consensus is the wind at our back, and we read the bill the same way we ask everyone to read our own work: generous about the real wins, honest about the gaps.

What it does

Build the stock, shield the buyer

It makes housing easier and cheaper to build: streamlined federal review, deregulated factory-built homes, a $200 million annual Innovation Fund that pays localities to reform zoning, and incentives that reward the cities that build. Its marquee provision restricts large institutional investors from buying up more single-family homes, so an ordinary buyer is not outbid by a fund.

What it is not

A spending bill, or a homelessness bill

A late section authorizes no additional funds, so most of this is reform and deregulation rather than new money. And the person already unhoused is barely in the text. The provisions that touch our population are narrow: a shelter-flexibility waiver, an accountability hook for the federal homelessness council, and a real but targeted win for disabled veterans.

Two of six

The house is built. The door is not yet open.

We drafted six bill packages from the library. Set them against what Congress just passed, and the line draws itself. Two are carried in substance. Four remain, and they are the four that reach the person on the street. A filled dot is carried in the bill Congress passed. A hollow ring is still ahead.

Carried in substance

Institutional Investor Reform & Shared Equity

The investor-reform core is carried in the bill: large funds that own at least 350 single-family homes would be restricted from buying more. The deeper shared-equity homeownership models remain open.

Carried in substance

Innovative Construction & Zoning Reform

The Innovation Fund, the build incentives, and manufactured-housing deregulation carry the thesis into the bill. They arrive as incentives rather than mandates, which is a difference worth stating plainly.

Still ahead

High-Utilizer Stabilization & Pathways to Independence

Permanent supportive housing for the chronic high-utilizer population, where the cost-of-inaction math is airtight. The supply bill leaned the other way. This engine is untouched.

Still ahead

Health-Related Social Needs & Medicaid Integration

Let health dollars pay for the housing and navigation that keep people out of emergency rooms. A HUD bill cannot reach this. It lives on Medicaid ground, and nothing in the bill touches it.

Still ahead

Homelessness Prevention, Diversion & Legal Equity

Catch people before the first night outside, where prevention is cheapest. The supply bill added only a modest shelter waiver here, and left the rest undone. Now drafted in full as the DOOR to Housing Act, published below as open policy.

Still ahead

Unhoused Digital Identity & Data Modernization

A portable, verifiable identity and a modern data backbone for the person with no address. This lane is ours alone, and it maps directly onto the instruments the mission is building.

The line we carry into every room

The ROAD Act built the house. It has not opened the door. The supply leg of the race is finally being run by people with the power to move billions, and that was never Enfiaré's leg to run alone. Our leg is the dignity leg: the navigation, the supportive services, the prevention, the portable identity, the shelter that can be deployed. Let the federal government build the stock. We carry the people the stock will not reach on its own.

Open policy · The first of the four, drafted in full

The DOOR to Housing Act

The prevention package is no longer an outline. It is a complete federal discussion draft, seven titles, written to ride the same 85–5 consensus that carried the ROAD Act, and it is published here as open policy under a CC0 public-domain dedication. That means exactly what it sounds like: any legislator, staffer, advocate, or citizen may take it, amend it, strip it for parts, or carry it under any name, in any legislature, without asking us. Attribution is welcome and never required. It is a substantial document, so it opens in its own reading page, with the bill, a model state act, and the full evidence case each downloadable to keep.

The bill · seven titles

Prevent, stabilize, prove

Fast help before housing is lost, eviction off-ramps, no discharge from public systems into homelessness, stabilization housing with no service model mandated, and payment only for independently verified results. No new agency. No mandate on any state or court.

The model state act

Ready for any statehouse

The same architecture adapted for state adoption, with a funding menu for different revenue structures and outcome measures that mirror the federal bill, so a state can plug into pay-for-results partnerships without redesign.

The case & corrections

Every number sourced

Finding-by-finding evidence, twelve objections answered head-on, and a published corrections log of the errors we found in our own earlier materials and fixed. The credibility is the asset, so we show the homework.

A low barrier, and no wrong door

Plain words for how help should reach a person

A person should be able to reach help without first clearing a row of hurdles, and any door they walk through should connect them onward rather than turn them away. Sobriety, work, and stability are things a housed person reaches with support, not gates they clear to earn a bed.

An honest note on the federal weather

The posture in Washington is unsettled. HUD’s FY2026 Continuum of Care notice reframed the long-standing low-barrier approach as a failure and reordered its priorities around treatment, work requirements, transitional housing, and encampment reduction. A federal court set that notice aside on August 7, 2026. On September 16 the First Circuit stayed that ruling while HUD appeals, and two days later HUD reopened the competition with applications due September 30. We attribute HUD’s characterization to HUD as its stated position rather than a settled fact, and we keep our own footing whichever way this lands. The cheapest night to prevent is the one that never happens, and a door that connects costs far less than one that sends a person back outside to begin the cycle again.

Where we stand

Housing first, and what changed in 2026

On June 1, 2026, HUD published the notice meant to govern about four billion dollars of the country’s homelessness response, and modified it on July 24. A federal court vacated it on August 7, and on September 16 an appeals court stayed that ruling, which puts the notice back in force while HUD appeals. It is a document with a thesis, and you should hear the thesis from the document itself rather than from us.

Status · updated September 21, 2026

The notice described below is in force again. A federal district court set it aside on August 7, 2026, on the narrow ground that HUD skipped a public comment process. On September 16 the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit stayed that ruling while HUD appeals, finding HUD likely to succeed in overturning the holding that its $1.3 billion set-aside needed a public comment process under the McKinney-Vento Act. HUD reopened the competition on September 18 and says the notice is unchanged except for a new deadline, September 30, 2026 at 8:00 p.m. Eastern, and one technical correction. The appeal itself is undecided. What the courts did and did not decide is set out directly below this section.

As written, the notice declares the Housing First approach “a profound failure by any measure” and cites rising homelessness counts since 2013 as its evidence. It keeps permanent supportive housing and rapid re-housing eligible, reserves $430 million in permanent housing for families with children, and states outright that it does not require projects to condition assistance on sobriety or treatment. At the same time it sets aside $1.3 billion for new projects with selection priority given to transitional housing and services-only proposals, drops the protected share of renewal funding from 90 percent to 60, and builds its largest block of scoring points around coordination with treatment systems, courts, and law enforcement. On that 60 percent: Congress set it as a floor in the FY2026 appropriation, and HUD went to the floor. Read as a whole: permanent housing stays in the program, and the incentives around it were rebuilt.

The National Alliance to End Homelessness, reading the same document, calls components of it deeply harmful and estimates that at least 97,000 people now in permanent housing will likely lose it. That figure is the Alliance’s estimate and travels here with its name attached, the same way HUD’s characterization travels with HUD’s.

Our own position is narrower than a banner and older than this notice. Housing is the ground floor a life is rebuilt on. That is one of the four values this organization is built from, held before the argument reached its current temperature. Peer mentorship is being built into this work rather than bolted onto it, because someone who has come through a thing is the person best able to walk beside someone still in it. That program is not running yet and we will not pretend otherwise. Our founder is in recovery and training toward addiction counseling certification, which is why the commitment is not abstract here. The housing position and the recovery work are one position, seen from two sides. The current fight treats a dollar spent on housing and a dollar spent on recovery as rivals, and we think that framing is the mistake.

On the evidence: the randomized trials are strong on housing retention and more mixed on health outcomes. Both statements are true at once. Anyone quoting only the first is selling something, and so is anyone quoting only the second. The 2019 meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials by Baxter and colleagues found participants spent substantially more days housed and were roughly two and a half times as likely to be housed at eighteen to twenty-four months, alongside fewer emergency department visits and fewer hospitalizations. The same review found short-term health effects imprecisely estimated with effects running in different directions, and no clear difference in substance use in either direction. The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, reviewing the field in 2018, put it more bluntly still: the committee found no substantial published evidence that permanent supportive housing improves the health of people experiencing chronic homelessness, while also finding that housing improves their well-being. That committee noted most studies did not include the people with serious health problems most likely to benefit, which is a gap in the research rather than a finding against the housing.

Read those two together and the honest summary is narrower than either camp wants. Housing people works at housing people, and it is measured well. The claim that it fixes addiction is not supported. The claim that it worsens addiction is not supported either. That second half matters, because the case for rebuilding the program around treatment mandates rests on a failure the trials do not show.

We will not hand you a villain. People on every side of this are working a genuinely hard problem with incomplete evidence and real constraints. What we will do is read the documents, link them so you can check us, and say so when we are uncertain.

Read it yourself

The primary text is the FY2026 CoC Program NOFO, CPD-2600-DC-0025, published June 1, 2026 and reopened September 18. Download it from the Grants.gov opportunity listing or from HUD’s competition page, which also carries the current status. The strongest critical reading is the National Alliance to End Homelessness analysis from June 2026. We read the modified text of July 24, 2026, rather than the June 1 original, and every link here was checked on the day this was posted. Enfiaré is not an applicant in the FY2026 competition, so this is a reading rather than a grievance. Posted July 26, 2026. Updated August 7, 2026, after the court vacated the notice. Updated again August 14, 2026, when the evidence citations above were added; every link on this page was rechecked that day. Rechecked August 26, 2026: every legal claim on this page was verified again that day against primary sources, and the December 1 award date was downgraded to an attributed claim pending a read of the enrolled appropriations act. Updated September 21, 2026, after the First Circuit stayed the ruling and HUD reopened the competition; the HUD passages and HUD figures on this page were checked that day against the court orders and HUD’s own publications.

Filed August 7, 2026 · read in the primary

A court set the 2026 notice aside. Here is what it did and did not decide.

On the afternoon of August 7, 2026, the U.S. District Court for the District of Rhode Island vacated HUD’s FY2026 Continuum of Care funding notice in its entirety. Coverage of this is going to be loud in both directions. We read the ten-page order itself, and the honest account is narrower than either headline. On September 16 the First Circuit stayed this ruling while HUD appeals; that update follows at the end of this section.

What the court held

A procedural gate, skipped

The McKinney-Vento Act names two things as proven strategies for reducing homelessness: permanent supportive housing for chronically homeless individuals and families, and rapid re-housing for families. Anything else the Secretary wants to reward has to clear a public notice-and-comment process first. HUD’s $1.3 billion set-aside for new transitional housing and services-only projects fell outside those two categories, and HUD ran no comment process. The court set the whole notice aside on that ground.

What the court did not decide

Nearly everything else

Having found the procedural defect, the court expressly declined to reach the substantive arguments about housing policy, the constitutional claims, and the challenge to how the money was apportioned. It denied a permanent injunction. It wrote that HUD may issue another notice carrying these same conditions once it completes the step it skipped. No court has ruled on whether the policy itself is sound.

What it cost, said plainly

For six weeks the notice governing a four-billion-dollar competition was gone. HUD’s own competition page said the Department could not accept applications, and the August 26 application deadline passed with no competition to meet it. Continuums of Care around the country had spent June and July running local competitions under that notice, scoring renewals and opening windows for new projects, and when the competition came back on September 18 they had twelve days to file. The award deadline never moved. The First Circuit’s stay order, citing the FY2026 appropriations act, says HUD has only until December 1, 2026 to make awards, and the court counted the funding gaps a late award would open among its reasons for the stay. We have still not read that sentence of the act ourselves, so the date travels here with the court’s citation on it. Whatever you conclude about the merits, the effect of those six weeks was more waiting inside a program where people were already waiting, and the people waiting were not the ones in the courtroom. The organizations that won in August would say the alternative was worse for those same people, and they may well be right. Both things are true at once, and you should hear the second one from us rather than find it later.

Why our position does not move

We never tied our footing to whether that notice survived, so nothing above this line needed rewriting. Look at what the statute the court applied actually protects. It names permanent supportive housing and rapid re-housing by name. The phrase “housing first” appears nowhere in it. The label is contested and the fight over it is real. The statutory floor under those two kinds of housing is the thing that held today. Carrying the substance rather than the banner is why this page reads the same whichever direction the ruling had gone.

Update · August 14, 2026 · HUD has answered, and a second court has ruled

When we posted this a week ago we wrote that the court had handed HUD a map to the door it should have used. HUD has now said what it intends to do with that map, and the honest report is that it has not walked through it. On its own competition page the Department says it is evaluating the order and weighing every legal option, an appeal to the First Circuit among them, and that it continues to regard the vacated notice as lawful. No public comment process has opened and nothing has appeared in the Federal Register. If one does open, anyone may file in it, including organizations far too small to compete for the grant itself, and we intend to.

Separately, on August 13 a federal judge in the Central District of California granted in part a preliminary injunction against HUD’s suspension of the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority, the body that had applied for funding on behalf of the country’s largest Continuum of Care. We have now read that order, and four things in it did not survive the news coverage. The relief is time-limited, valid until October 27, 2026, when the parties return for a status conference, with trial set for February 2027. It is not a restoration of the status quo: the court ordered the Los Angeles Continuum to open applications for a new Collaborative Applicant for the FY2027 competition, which means the role LAHSA has held since the 1990s is now going out to a competitive process. It orders HUD to distribute roughly $241 million already earmarked for the region by Congress, and to execute the FY2025 grant agreements it has approved, citing the HEARTH Act’s 45-day obligation deadline. And the widely quoted population counts, 140 projects reaching veterans, families, children, transition-age youth, seniors, and people affected by intimate partner violence, are recited from the intervenor’s complaint rather than found independently by the court, the same way the 97,000 figure travels in the Rhode Island order.

The passage worth your time is the one about who failed. Having ruled against HUD, the court described a cycle in which the City points at LAHSA over data and compliance problems, LAHSA points back at the City, responsibility is routinely deflected, and no single party is willing to take it. Then it wrote that HUD has also been complicit in that cycle, that all of these entities have effectively abdicated governance, and that for decades LAHSA and HUD have been in a joint partnership in failure, citing HUD audits from 2001 and 2007 that flagged the same accountability failures. A federal judge blocked the agency in front of him and refused, in the same document, to let that agency be the only problem. We hold to that method in everything we publish here, and it is worth naming when a court does it better than we could.

Update · September 21, 2026 · The appeals court put the notice back in force

On September 16 the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit stayed the August 7 ruling while HUD’s appeal proceeds. The panel, Judges Montecalvo, Aframe, and Dunlap, found that HUD has made a strong showing it is likely to succeed in overturning the holding that its $1.3 billion set-aside needed a public comment process, because the set-aside is likely not a “bonus or other incentive” under the provision the district court applied. It found that HUD would suffer irreparable injury without a stay, since, as the court reads the appropriations act, HUD has only until December 1, 2026 to make awards. The order carries no dissent and settles only whether the August ruling holds while the appeal runs; the appeal itself is undecided. HUD reopened the competition on September 18 and says the notice is unchanged except for the new deadline, September 30 at 8:00 p.m. Eastern, and a technical correction that shortens one notification period from fifteen days to seven.

Five days before the stay, on September 11, HUD opened a public comment process of the kind the district court said it had skipped. A notice in the Federal Register proposes five activities for HUD to reward in future Continuum of Care competitions: transitional housing with services aimed at employment income and behavioral health care; supportive services aimed at the same ends, including treatment for substance use and mental illness; participation agreements that engage each person in individualized services; drug-free and sober housing with on-site recovery support; and coordination with law enforcement and first responders. HUD writes in the same notice that it does not concede the August rulings were lawful and stands by its ability to run the 2026 competition without this step. Comments are open until October 13, 2026. We wrote on August 14 that anyone may file in a process like this one, and that we intended to. It is open, and we will.

In Los Angeles, HUD appealed the August 13 injunction. Judge Carter refused HUD’s request to stay his order on September 9. According to LAHSA, the Ninth Circuit stayed it that same week, and the appeals court hears argument on HUD’s motion for a stay pending appeal on September 22. On September 15 the LAHSA Commission voted not to apply to keep its Continuum of Care leadership roles in the region’s new selection process, citing the uncertainty the stay created and the City’s and County’s own applications. HUD says it expects to decide the status of the Los Angeles Continuum’s application after a hearing it lists for September 22.

On August 7 we wrote that this page would read the same whichever direction the ruling went. For now it has gone the other way, and the position above has not moved.

Sources: State of Washington, et al. v. Department of Housing and Urban Development, et al., C.A. No. 1:26-cv-00439-MSM-AEM (D.R.I.), and National Alliance to End Homelessness, et al. v. Department of Housing and Urban Development, et al., C.A. No. 1:26-cv-00436-MSM-AEM (D.R.I.), Memorandum and Order filed August 7, 2026. Two related actions, briefed and decided together and never consolidated: one brought by twenty-two states and the District of Columbia, the other by local governments and nonprofit organizations. Read the full order rather than take our summary for it; that copy is posted by counsel for the plaintiffs, and the document is the court’s. The 97,000 figure quoted earlier on this page appears in the order as the plaintiffs’ allegation and not as a finding of the court. Posted August 7, 2026. Caption corrected and updated August 14, 2026. Corrected September 21, 2026: this paragraph said the states’ case was brought by twenty-four states; the states’ complaint and the appeals court’s caption list twenty-two states and the District of Columbia. The stay is State of Washington, et al. v. Department of Housing and Urban Development, et al., No. 26-1922, and National Alliance to End Homelessness, et al. v. Department of Housing and Urban Development, et al., No. 26-1923 (1st Cir.), order entered September 16, 2026; read the order on the court’s own site. HUD’s comment notice is 91 Fed. Reg. 57901 (September 11, 2026), docket FR-6628-N-01, open for comment at the Federal Register; it gives the two district court case numbers in reverse, and the courts’ own dockets carry them as given here. The Los Angeles ruling described above is Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority v. Trump, et al., No. 2:26-cv-07056-DOC-AJR (C.D. Cal.), Order Granting Preliminary Injunction, ECF No. 63, filed August 13, 2026; read the twenty-eight-page order, obtained from the public docket and read in full on August 14, 2026. The later Los Angeles ruling cited above is the September 9 order denying a stay, ECF No. 82; the appeal is Ninth Circuit No. 26-5367. LAHSA’s account of the Ninth Circuit stay is from its September 15 release; we have not read the stay order itself.

The fiscal blade

It costs more to leave a person outside

We scope this argument tightly, to the chronic high-utilizer population, because that is where the math plainly holds. For the people who cycle hardest through emergency rooms, jails, and shelters, stable housing with support often costs the public the same or less than the endless churn of managing the crisis. We argue the next increment, not a slogan: the supply bill left the bottom rung untouched, and the bottom rung is where the public dollars already pour out.

One worked example

The Annie E. Casey Foundation estimates that citizens and communities carry about $300,000 in taxpayer-funded costs for every young person who ages out of foster care at 18, and its Future Savings analysis puts the potential return at roughly $4.1 billion across the lifespan of each annual wave of about 23,000 young people leaving care. Those are estimates of what poor outcomes cost across education, early parenthood, homelessness, and incarceration, not the price of any single program. Institutional discharge is a recognized prevention point, which is exactly why one of our near-term offers stops public systems from releasing people directly onto the street.

Source: Cost Avoidance: The Business Case for Investing in Youth Aging Out of Foster Care, Jim Casey Youth Opportunities Initiative, and the Foundation’s Future Savings analysis. Figures are the Foundation’s and travel with its name attached. Corrected August 14, 2026: an earlier version of this box carried a cost range we could not source, and it understated the published estimates rather than overstating them.

Bills Library — drafted policy outlines

Beside the flagship

The DOOR Act carries the prevention and pay-for-results work inside it, as Titles III and V. What follows are the proposals that stand on their own, drafted in full and published here rather than promised. Each one is written to ride something Congress has already done.

Capital · tax

Opportunity Zone Dignity Housing

Opportunity Zones became permanent law in July 2025, and the capital they draw has overwhelmingly built market-rate housing. This creates a bonus tier for deeply affordable and supportive housing, modeled on the richer step-up Congress already carved out for rural funds. The precedent for a favored use is already in the statute.

Infrastructure · navigation

Care Navigation Infrastructure Act

The hardest part of getting help is often finding it. HUD’s 2025 Housing Inventory Count listed 408,167 permanent supportive housing beds nationally, against 745,652 people counted homeless on a single night that January, which makes navigation the difference between a scarce bed used well and one left unmatched. This funds resource directories, navigation tools, and assisted navigation as public infrastructure, under open standards, with a human making every call that carries risk.

Capital · philanthropy

Philanthropic Capital Activation Act

Donor-advised funds held $326 billion in charitable assets in 2024, up from $250 billion the year before, with no legal requirement that any of it ever reach a working charity. In fairness to the vehicle, grants out of DAFs have run above a 20 percent payout rate every year on record, so this is idle capacity rather than a frozen pool. The bipartisan attempt to force faster payout stalled. This tries the carrot instead of the stick, pulling charitable capital toward housing by making the trip worth taking.

Supply · land

Public Land for Dignity Act

Federal law already offers surplus federal property to nonprofits and local governments at no cost, for housing and services, with a right of first refusal. It is badly underused, approval rates are low, the process is slow, and it does not contemplate modular or relocatable housing. Use the land the government already owns and pays to keep empty.

Resilience · disaster

Climate Displacement Rehousing Act

Disasters displace people and a share of them never get rehoused. The 2025 count carried the fingerprints directly, with sheltered homelessness in North Carolina up by about 3,610 after Hurricane Helene. Recovery leans on prolonged shelter and motel stays; the path to durable rehousing is weak. Build it before the next one lands.

Inside the DOOR Act

Pay-for-Results and No Exit

These began as standalone offers and are now Titles V and III of the flagship bill, where they do more work together than apart. Pay-for-Results funds outcomes rather than line items. No Exit stops the public systems that manufacture homelessness at a discharge desk. Both are in the full legislative text above.

An honest count

Published in full: one federal bill in complete legislative text, a model state act, and the case-and-evidence memo behind them. Drafted and summarized above: five further proposals. More sit in draft and will appear here as they are finished rather than counted before they are. These are advocacy proposals. Where an offer touches Enfiaré’s own technology or any tax-advantaged vehicle, the structural and tax questions are flagged for counsel, and nothing here is legal or financial advice.

Figures in the cards above: permanent supportive housing beds from HUD’s 2025 Housing Inventory Count report; the single-night count from HUD’s 2025 Annual Homeless Assessment Report. Donor-advised fund assets and payout rate from the Annual DAF Report 2025, DAF Research Collaborative, covering fiscal year 2024. All rechecked August 14, 2026, and the HUD figures again September 21, 2026. We state numbers we can stand behind and attribute contested claims to their source. When we find one we cannot stand behind, we correct it on the page and say what changed rather than quietly deleting it. Corrected September 21, 2026: the navigation card gave 412,623 permanent supportive housing beds for 2024, a figure from an Urban Institute analysis that does not match HUD’s own published 2024 total of 397,241, and it now uses HUD’s 2025 total, taken the same January as the count beside it. The first figure at the top of this page showed a 3.4 percent decline, a number carried in secondary coverage; HUD’s own table gives 3.3 percent, and this page, the home page, and the mission page now show HUD’s figure.

A conflict we name rather than bury

The Care Navigation Infrastructure Act describes the public-good version of what Enfiaré is building. We would benefit if it passed. So the bill funds the capability under open standards, open to any qualified provider, and Enfiaré would compete for that work like anyone else. Whether it can supply such infrastructure to the field at all, and on what terms, is a structural question our counsel has to map before it becomes an offer we push.

Use the lever

The door opens faster with more hands on it

If policy is where you can move something, the cost case and the bill packages are open for you to carry into a room that matters. Standing with the work starts with the Stewardship Pledge.